Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Reginald Marsh, the son of American artists Fred Dana Marsh and Alice Randall Marsh, was born in Paris in 1898. He grew up in comfortable circumstances in Nutley, New Jersey, and was educated at Lawrenceville School and Yale University. In the early 1920s Marsh worked in New York as a freelance artist for magazines and newspapers, developing an energized drawing style that he used to illustrate city life and its various entertainments. He also took classes at the Art Students League, studying briefly with John Sloan, George Luks, Kenneth Hayes Miller, and George Bridgman, and joined the Whitney Studio Club in 1923. That same year, Marsh married Betty Burroughs, an artist whose father, Bryson Burroughs, was a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.After her divorce from Marsh in 1933, Betty Burroughs married Thomas F. Woodhouse. She later became a museum educator and was on the staff of the RISD Museum from 1951 to 1961. http://risdmuseum.org/manual/241_100_years_of_commitment She discussed Reginald Marsh in an interview with Garnett McCoy for the Archives of American Art in 1977: http://www.aaa.si.edu/collections/interviews/oral-history-interview-betty-bryson-woodhouse-13140 In 1925 Marsh returned to France for the first time since his childhood and spent several months studying Old Master paintings in the Louvre. His love of Rubens, whose great <em>Kermesse</em> he copied in Paris, provided the foundation for a body of work in which women—sunbathing, walking, seated on subways—were represented as modern-day counterparts of Rubens’s full-blown female forms. When he returned to New York, Marsh focused his attention on the theater of contemporary urban life, describing the city’s denizens against the backdrop of its architecture and amusements. He recombined these themes in various media for decades, without ever losing his joy in their accessibility and freshness. A large sheet in RISD’s collection, <em>Two Girls on a Ferry</em>, employs a vibrating calligraphy Marsh invented later in his career to emphasize movement. His curved, radiating pen strokes animate the costumes of the shapely young women, ruffling their skirts and capturing the sensation of the breeze on the Staten Island ferry on its approach from Governors Island. Looking out from the railing, a middle-aged gentleman in a fedora takes in the downtown skyline in a panorama that sweeps across the southern tip of Manhattan, from the Whitehall Building at left to the Art Deco–style Cities Service Building at 70 Pine Street.Marsh’s prints document the rise of lower Manhattan’s skyline, particularly between 1927 and 1932. New construction could be sketched from the point of view of Governors Island or consulted in photographs and postcard views. In Marsh’s etching of 1930, the skyscraper at 70 Pine Street which anchors RISD’s drawing was absent from the skyline, and the tall spireless tower at 20 Exchange Street, second from right, appeared under scaffolding. http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/366826 Marsh’s concurrent passion for trains provided material for an opposing motif to the exuberance of urban life. Beginning in 1928, he made numerous prints and paintings that featured the trains that transported Americans and their goods cross-country, including one that he painted in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department murals in Washington, D.CIn 1935, Marsh made a large painting of a locomotive in fresco as a proposal for the Post Office Department commission. http://articles.latimes.com/2013/may/07/entertainment/la-et-cm-huntington-buys-reginald-marsh-painting-20130507. His early interest in painting locomotives is discussed in http://collections.mcny.org/Gallery/24UPN47LTX1 which cites Barbara Haskell’s observation in Swing Time: Reginald Marsh and the Exuberant Chaos of Thirties New York (London: D. Giles Ltd., 2012), that he was inspired by the work of fellow artist Charles Burchfield. See Burchfield’s Gates Down (1920) in the collection of the RISD Museum as an example of that artist’s interest in trains.. The Erie Yards in Jersey City provided a convenient locus for studying these impressive machines, including the steam locomotives that served the passenger and freight routes of the New York Central Railroad. In this profile view, <em>Train,</em> Marsh depicts a workhorse engine resting in the train yard. Its design and wheel configuration identify it as a switcher, a heavy locomotive that was predominantly used to move cars in and out of train yards. The front grill, or pilot, is absent, and there is a protective railing as well as two platforms below the nose for workers to stand on as the train moved through the yardRailway historian Roger P. Hensley, publisher of the website Railroads of Madison County, Indiana, in correspondence with the author, described the purpose of this locomotive and identified it as a USRA 0-8-0 switcher.. Marsh’s portrait of his friend Llewelyn Powys represents a more personal aspect of his life. Through Betty Burroughs, Marsh met Powys (1884–1939), an English writer who lived in New York between 1921 and 1924 before marrying Alyse Gregory, an editor of <em>The Dial</em> magazineRichard Perceval Graves, The Brothers Powys (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983), 181, notes that prior to the time of Powys’s marriage to Alyse Gregory in October 1924, he had been romantically involved with Betty Burroughs.. Marsh and Powys developed a warm friendship, and during the summer of 1926 the Marshes rented a house in England not far from “White Nose,” the cottage at Dorset, Dorchester, where Powys and his wife livedMarsh’s ongoing friendship with Powys through the 1930s, and his visits to see him in Austerlitz, New York, and in Clavadel, Davos Platz, Switzerland, are documented in letters in the Reginald Marsh Papers, Archives of American Art.. They continued their friendship when Powys returned to the United States late in 1927 as a visiting critic for the book supplement of the <em>New York Herald Tribune</em>, and vacationed together in Belgium in the summer of 1928. Marsh described Powys as “a strikingly handsome man, a poetic and aristocratic head being crowned with fierce golden curls and a strongly boned forehead … . He was simple and, as he said, ‘a countryman.’ … He gave generously of friendship to me, taught me much and encouraged me in my work as a painter.”Marsh’s moving tribute to Powys is quoted in Malcolm Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys (London: John Lane, 1946), 172. In the 1930s Marsh’s second wife, Felicia, was in turn made welcome in a friendship that endured until Powys’s death from tuberculosis in 1939.See Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308 for Powys’s letters to Marsh (1927–1939). In 1938 Marsh visited Powys in Arosa, Switzerland, where the writer lived during his final illness. Marsh made several drawings and sketchbook studies of Powys in 1926, followed by two portrait etchingsFor sketches of Powys made while Marsh was in England in 1926, see Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel NRM3, Sketchbook #4: fr. 633, 634 (July 8, 1926), 643 (June, 1926), and Sketchbook #5: fr. 677 (August 6, 1926). See also finished drawings of Powys seated in a chair in his library in Dorset in Reginald Marsh Papers Box 5, Folder 18, Nos. 20–21. For Marsh’s etchings, see Norman Sasowsky, The Prints of Reginald Marsh, an Essay and Definitive Catalog of His Linoleum Cuts, Etchings, Engravings and Lithographs, (New York, Clarkson N. Potter, 1976) Sasowsky, 1976, p. 105, no. 42, Llewelyn Powys, 1927 (estimate), 3 1/2 x 2 1/2 in., ill.; and p. 146, no. 98, Llewelyn Powys, October 26, 1930, 5 x 4 in., ill., and also exhibited a painting of Powys at the Whitney Studio Club’s 1928 members’ exhibitionThirteenth Annual Exhibition of Paintings by the Members of the Club, 29 April–26 May, 1928, no. 116, Llewelyn Powys.. The ink wash <em>Portrait of Llewelyn Powys</em> in RISD’s collection is undated, but its pose and costume are similar to those of Powys in a photograph taken by Doris Ulmann in 1928.At least two photographs from the 1928 Ulmann sitting are known. The frontal pose, “Llewelyn Powys in New York, 1928,” is reproduced in Elwin, The Life of Llewelyn Powys, opp. p. 164. A second image, with Powys’s head turned slightly, is very close to Marsh’s wash drawing, but he appears a bit heavier and more rumpled and has a brighter look in his eyes in Marsh’s version. Marsh’s ability to capture his subject was praised by Powys, who described one of the images as “the embodiment of the Powys family [—] the trunk from which we were chopped, the rock from which we were cut.” Alyse Gregory expressed a desire to have Marsh paint Powys again in 1934, writing, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.”Alyse Gregory wrote to Marsh on April 7[?], 1934, “I long to have you paint him—he never since I have known him has looked so striking.” Archives of American Art, Reginald Marsh Papers, Reel 308, fr. 362. Ironically, the final painted portrait of Powys was to be a large, disturbing canvas made by the German Expressionist painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Powys’s neighbor in Davos. Powys’s genuine empathy for Kirchner did not enhance his opinion of that effort; he described the portrayal to Marsh as a “slipper-slopper studio-prophet” and a “fine idealist without a wrinkle in his forehead.”Powys to Marsh, 1939, Clavadel, Davos Platz, in The Letters of Llewelyn Powys, selected and edited by Louis Wilkinson with an introduction by Alyse Gregory (London: John Lane, 1943), 277–78. “It reaches from ceiling to floor and is admired by lovers of ‘modern art,’ but Alyse and I can’t abide it.” Powys’s friendship with Kirchner is discussed by Jacqueline Peltier in “Llewelyn Powys et Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, ou l’histoire d’un portrait,” which includes a photograph of the now lost portrait. Powys, Swiss Essays (London: John Lane, 1947), includes the essay on Kirchner Powys sent to Marsh in 1938. He shared this opinion with Marsh shortly before his death, along with a sympathetic essay he had written about Kirchner. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->getLinkInstances('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 116) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. 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Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->replaceCallback(Array) preg_replace_callback('|]*)>(.*?)|s', Array, 'Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ') (Line: 123) Drupal\footnotes\Plugin\Filter\FootnotesFilter->process('Over the course of his artistic life, Marsden Hartley sought unmediated communion with open skies and rugged terrain. Although the mosaic-like compositions that he created during his first trip abroad in 1912 embodied his strong emotions about “the cosmic scene,”Hartley to Rockwell Kent, December 1912, cited in Thomas Ludington, Seeking the Spiritual: the Paintings of Marsden Hartley (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 28. he sustained an innate belief that the spiritual in nature could only be acquired through direct experience of landscape. Hartley’s “mystical abstractions,” as he called them, drew inspiration from the paintings of Picasso and by the writings of Wassily Kandinsky, but he was also deeply moved by the art and letters of Vincent van Gogh. He sought out Van Gogh’s paintings from the moment he arrived in Paris, describing the artist to Alfred Stieglitz as “an eminently spiritual being”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (received December 20, 1912),* My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915*, James Timothy Voorhees, ed. (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2002), 47. with a “visionary quality that gives his canvases their beauty.”Hartley to Stieglitz, n.d. (February 1913, Paris), My Dear Stieglitz: Letters of Marsden Hartley and Alfred Stieglitz, 1912–1915, 57. Hartley’s first letter to Stieglitz from Paris on April 13, 1912, p. 12, declared “I saw 8 Van Goghs this afternoon.” He continued to seek them out in Paris and expressed regret that it would not host the “great show at Cologne with 100 Van Goghs” that was held in Cologne that summer [Sonderbund westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler, Ausstellungshalle der Stadt Cöln am Aachener Tor, 25 May–30 September 1912] n.d. (September 1912, Paris). The sensations of nature that inspired Van Gogh remained foremost in Hartley’s consciousness when he returned to Europe after the first World War, having expressed to Stieglitz a desire to seek “fresh landscape experiences” in the south of France.Hartley to Alfred Stieglitz, December 28, 1922, Stieglitz Papers, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University. He was anxious to be financially independent from the demands of the art market, but it was not until 1924 that an economic solution presented itself. At the urging of US diplomat William C. Bullitt, who had recently married Hartley’s friend Louise Bryant,Hartley’s circle of friends in Provincetown in the summer of 1916 included journalists Bryant and John Reed (1887–1920), whom she married that fall. Bryant married Bullitt after Reed’s death and introduced him to Hartley in Paris in 1924. In his autobiography, Somehow a Past (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997), 128, Hartley wrote that he and Bullitt “liked each other from the start.” a syndicate of investors was organized by the New York banker William V. Griffin to provide Hartley with an annual stipend of $2000 for four years. The initial offer was made without demand for compensation, but Hartley insisted sending his benefactors 10 paintings each year “so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132, described his determination to repay the investors with paintings and “to deliver, according to my own suggestion, a certain number of pictures in the year—so that I could feel I was earning my living thereby avoiding gifts.” Discussion and documentation of this arrangement appear in Townsend Ludington, Marsden Hartley: The Biography of an American Artist (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 174, citing Hartley’s letters to Norma Berger, September 1, 1924, and to Alfred Stieglitz December 18, 1924; in Bruce Weber, The Heart of the Matter: The Still Lifes of Marsden Hartley (New York: Berry-Hill Galleries, 2003), 52; and in Heather Hole, Marsden Hartley and the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 130. Hole cites a letter from Leila Wittler at M. Knoedler & Co. to Miss Irvine at the Whitney Museum, February 1945 (Elizabeth McCausland Papers, Reel D268, fr. 44) identifying the investors: banker James Imbrie, former secretary of the navy James Forrestal, and Ralph Ingersoll, who was married to Griffin’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Griffin’s brother, Judge George Carden, was elsewhere mentioned as an investor. http://www.berry-hill.com/artists/marsden-hartley. In August 1925 Hartley settled in Vence in a house with a garden and a distant view of the Mediterranean. Although he found delight in visits to nearby Cannes, his artistic progress was plagued by bronchitis and rainy weather, and he eventually determined that the immediate countryside of Vence was “nice to look at but not to paint.”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 132. Instead, his output over the next year was dominated by still-life painting, a practice that had long paralleled his interest in botany and his appreciation of the work of Cézanne and Matisse. Although his slow start in Vence delayed the first installment to the investors, compositions of fruit, flowers, vessels, and baskets helped him meet his first two years’ quota by July 1926.Discouraged by his setbacks in Vence, Hartley initially asked Stieglitz to provide Griffin with 10 paintings that he had on hand in New York, “20 x 24 in size … not of the very best of course—at least those less abstract better say” (Hartley to Stieglitz, December 31, 1925, and February 2, 1926, cited in Ludington, 174). Griffin, however, was sympathetic and excused the delay. Weber, 52, notes that the syndicate received at least 10 still-lifes from Hartley, five of which were identified in the 2003 Berry-Hill exhibition and publication. When Hartley returned to the landscape for inspiration, he ventured deeper into the Alpes-Maritimes region to Gorges du Loup and Gattière, intending to paint “Italian Alpine profiles.”Quoted in Jeanne Hokin, Pinnacles & Pyramids: The Art of Marsden Hartley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 57. Hartley uses this phrase in a letter to Stieglitz, February 2, 1926, in which he discusses his plans to visit Gorges du Loup. He spent several weeks in these mountainous regions, immersing himself in their dramatic geology and confirming his belief that going straight to nature, rather than relying on the imagination, as Stieglitz had urged, was the path to creative rejuvenation. <em>Gorges du Loup, Provence</em>, which was painted during one of these liberating excursions, represents Hartley’s encounter with the high rocky masses on either side of a deep ravine. The opening to a low tunnel is dwarfed by the dense and monumental cliffs, challenging access to the placid waters of the river beyond. Unlike the low, horizontal “New Mexico recollections” that preoccupied Hartley in the years preceding this trip, representation of <em>Gorges du Loup</em>, Provence demanded a compact, vertical composition. He used this format to compress the landscape, emphasizing the height of plummeting cliffs and packing their ridges with tenacious flora that encroach on the narrow passageway. Darkly contoured, asymmetric rock walls dominate the foreground and function like diagonally skewed theatre curtains. Dramatically, beyond the crevasse, they reveal the green ribbon of the Loup, low mountain peaks, and an untethered cloud in a pale blue sky. The dynamic contrasts between the elements of earth, air, and water confirm Hartley’s return to direct experience of the natural motif. His brushstrokes are firm and instinctive, loaded with pigment that physically and chromatically responds to his perception of the Gorges du Loup. He uses short curved marks to construct the foliage and thick vertical gestures to separate irregular surfaces into pools of earthy color. Long vertical streaks suggest rhythmic movement within the solid mass of cliffs—a technical variant of the CloisonnismDark outlines, and in this case interior lines, recall the jeweler’s technique known as cloisonné, in which wires function as dams to isolate pools of enamel. Considered a post-modern painting technique, Cloisonnism was employed by Van Gogh, Gauguin, and others to flatten perspective and create bold decorative effects. that he had applied to his New Mexico landscapes and would continue to employ in views of Partenkirchen, Germany; Dogtown (Gloucester, Massachusetts); and Vinalhaven, Maine. In spite of their flattening effect, these aggressive gestures emphasize the physical properties of the view, and reject the careful modeling Hartley employed in works such as <a href="http://www.speedmuseum.org/collections/maritime-alps-vence-no-9/"><em>Maritime Alps, Vence, No. 9,</em> 1925–1926</a>, whose block-like patches of color signal the influence of Cézanne. When he wrote to Stieglitz that two weeks at Gorges du Loup were “not enough,”Hartley, Somehow a Past, 136. he admitted to the challenges still before him, but he also revealed renewed conviction in his ability to communicate a deeply personal apprehension of nature. <em>Maureen O’Brien Curator, Painting and Sculpture</em> ', 'en') (Line: 118) Drupal\filter\Element\ProcessedText::preRenderText(Array) call_user_func_array(Array, Array) (Line: 111) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doTrustedCallback(Array, Array, 'Render #pre_render callbacks must be methods of a class that implements \Drupal\Core\Security\TrustedCallbackInterface or be an anonymous function. The callback was %s. See https://www.drupal.org/node/2966725', 'exception', 'Drupal\Core\Render\Element\RenderCallbackInterface') (Line: 797) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doCallback('#pre_render', Array, Array) (Line: 386) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doRender(Array, ) (Line: 204) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->render(Array) (Line: 474) Drupal\Core\Template\TwigExtension->escapeFilter(Object, Array, 'html', NULL, 1) (Line: 106) __TwigTemplate_4039b6d648e4a30fc59604b38849a688->doDisplay(Array, Array) (Line: 394) Twig\Template->displayWithErrorHandling(Array, Array) (Line: 367) Twig\Template->display(Array, Array) (Line: 46) __TwigTemplate_d1494d795b4bd5366283e85f3e7729dc->doDisplay(Array, Array) (Line: 394) Twig\Template->displayWithErrorHandling(Array, Array) (Line: 367) Twig\Template->display(Array, Array) (Line: 43) __TwigTemplate_253b62141ad73ee07345b0067cf59829->doDisplay(Array, Array) (Line: 394) Twig\Template->displayWithErrorHandling(Array, Array) (Line: 367) Twig\Template->display(Array) (Line: 379) Twig\Template->render(Array, Array) (Line: 40) Twig\TemplateWrapper->render(Array) (Line: 53) twig_render_template('themes/contrib/classy/templates/field/field--text-with-summary.html.twig', Array) (Line: 372) Drupal\Core\Theme\ThemeManager->render('field', Array) (Line: 445) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doRender(Array) (Line: 458) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doRender(Array, ) (Line: 204) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->render(Array) (Line: 474) Drupal\Core\Template\TwigExtension->escapeFilter(Object, Array, 'html', NULL, 1) (Line: 231) __TwigTemplate_d0a4e06ec4cdc862487a9e59e7ee55e6->block_node_content(Array, Array) (Line: 171) Twig\Template->displayBlock('node_content', Array, Array) (Line: 91) __TwigTemplate_fb45c12c057c90d6dad87acc3f8af627->doDisplay(Array, Array) (Line: 394) Twig\Template->displayWithErrorHandling(Array, Array) (Line: 367) Twig\Template->display(Array, Array) (Line: 51) __TwigTemplate_d0a4e06ec4cdc862487a9e59e7ee55e6->doDisplay(Array, Array) (Line: 394) Twig\Template->displayWithErrorHandling(Array, Array) (Line: 367) Twig\Template->display(Array) (Line: 379) Twig\Template->render(Array, Array) (Line: 40) Twig\TemplateWrapper->render(Array) (Line: 53) twig_render_template('themes/custom/risdmuseum/templates/content/node--teaser.html.twig', Array) (Line: 372) Drupal\Core\Theme\ThemeManager->render('node', Array) (Line: 445) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doRender(Array, ) (Line: 204) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->render(Array) (Line: 474) Drupal\Core\Template\TwigExtension->escapeFilter(Object, Array, 'html', NULL, 1) (Line: 60) __TwigTemplate_b5820ae2fc9ac809d8bb920432eaa798->doDisplay(Array, Array) (Line: 394) Twig\Template->displayWithErrorHandling(Array, Array) (Line: 367) Twig\Template->display(Array) (Line: 379) Twig\Template->render(Array, Array) (Line: 40) Twig\TemplateWrapper->render(Array) (Line: 53) twig_render_template('themes/contrib/classy/templates/views/views-view-unformatted.html.twig', Array) (Line: 372) Drupal\Core\Theme\ThemeManager->render('views_view_unformatted', Array) (Line: 445) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doRender(Array) (Line: 458) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doRender(Array, ) (Line: 204) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->render(Array) (Line: 474) Drupal\Core\Template\TwigExtension->escapeFilter(Object, Array, 'html', NULL, 1) (Line: 129) __TwigTemplate_c1babb60e112ad993125dc5af5a5b779->doDisplay(Array, Array) (Line: 394) Twig\Template->displayWithErrorHandling(Array, Array) (Line: 367) Twig\Template->display(Array) (Line: 379) Twig\Template->render(Array, Array) (Line: 40) Twig\TemplateWrapper->render(Array) (Line: 53) twig_render_template('themes/custom/risdmuseum/templates/views/views-view--site-search--page-1.html.twig', Array) (Line: 372) Drupal\Core\Theme\ThemeManager->render('views_view__site_search__page_1', Array) (Line: 445) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doRender(Array) (Line: 458) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->doRender(Array, ) (Line: 204) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->render(Array, ) (Line: 238) Drupal\Core\Render\MainContent\HtmlRenderer->Drupal\Core\Render\MainContent\{closure}() (Line: 592) Drupal\Core\Render\Renderer->executeInRenderContext(Object, Object) (Line: 239) Drupal\Core\Render\MainContent\HtmlRenderer->prepare(Array, Object, Object) (Line: 128) Drupal\Core\Render\MainContent\HtmlRenderer->renderResponse(Array, Object, Object) (Line: 90) Drupal\Core\EventSubscriber\MainContentViewSubscriber->onViewRenderArray(Object, 'kernel.view', Object) call_user_func(Array, Object, 'kernel.view', Object) (Line: 111) Drupal\Component\EventDispatcher\ContainerAwareEventDispatcher->dispatch(Object, 'kernel.view') (Line: 186) Symfony\Component\HttpKernel\HttpKernel->handleRaw(Object, 1) (Line: 76) Symfony\Component\HttpKernel\HttpKernel->handle(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 58) Drupal\Core\StackMiddleware\Session->handle(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 48) Drupal\Core\StackMiddleware\KernelPreHandle->handle(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 191) Drupal\page_cache\StackMiddleware\PageCache->fetch(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 128) Drupal\page_cache\StackMiddleware\PageCache->lookup(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 82) Drupal\page_cache\StackMiddleware\PageCache->handle(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 270) Drupal\shield\ShieldMiddleware->bypass(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 137) Drupal\shield\ShieldMiddleware->handle(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 48) Drupal\Core\StackMiddleware\ReverseProxyMiddleware->handle(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 51) Drupal\Core\StackMiddleware\NegotiationMiddleware->handle(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 51) Drupal\Core\StackMiddleware\StackedHttpKernel->handle(Object, 1, 1) (Line: 704) Drupal\Core\DrupalKernel->handle(Object) (Line: 19)
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